Ethnohistory of Nikumaroro - Revision history

Tfking106: /* Nikumaroro and Nei Manganibuka */

2011-04-29T23:44:24Z

Nikumaroro and Nei Manganibuka

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:44, 29 April 2011
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	I Kiribati trace their ancestry to islands somewhere in the west referred to as ''Matang''. Tradition says that many I Kiribati sojourned in Samoa before migrating to the islands of Kiribati. A number of stories tell of an island to the east or south of Samoa called Nikumaroro. In some traditions this island, and the practice of taking its people to feed the kings of Samoa, was involved in the dispersal of the ancestral I Kiribati among the atolls to the north.		I Kiribati trace their ancestry to islands somewhere in the west referred to as ''Matang''. Tradition says that many I Kiribati sojourned in Samoa before migrating to the islands of Kiribati. A number of stories tell of an island to the east or south of Samoa called Nikumaroro. In some traditions this island, and the practice of taking its people to feed the kings of Samoa, was involved in the dispersal of the ancestral I Kiribati among the atolls to the north.

	''This was the custom of Tamoa (sic: Samoa): the first-born children of the land called Nikumaroro, which lay to southward, were taken to be the food of the Kings of the Tree. That was the food of the Kings, even the first-born.		"This was the custom of Tamoa (sic: Samoa): the first-born children of the land called Nikumaroro, which lay to southward, were taken to be the food of the Kings of the Tree. That was the food of the Kings, even the first-born." (Grimble)

	Then went Nareau to visit the people of Nikumaroro. He lay with a woman named Nei Mai, and begot a son on her, the man Teboi.		"Then went Nareau to visit the people of Nikumaroro. He lay with a woman named Nei Mai, and begot a son on her, the man Teboi." (Grimble

	It was Teboi who arose to prevent the canoe of the people of Tamoa, when it came from the East (sic) to take away the first-born. He arose and stood before the canoe to destroy it. After that, he made war upon Samoa, and behold! The people of Tamoa were conquered by Teboi, the son of Nareau with Nei Mai.		"It was Teboi who arose to prevent the canoe of the people of Tamoa, when it came from the East (sic) to take away the first-born. He arose and stood before the canoe to destroy it. After that, he made war upon Samoa, and behold! The people of Tamoa were conquered by Teboi, the son of Nareau with Nei Mai.

	That was the reason why the people of Samoa were all scattered abroad.''		That was the reason why the people of Samoa were all scattered abroad." (Grimble)

	Traditions also recount that the ancestress Nei Manganibuka (a.k.a. Temanganibuka), closely associated with the buka tree ([[Pisonia grandis]]) brought the arts of navigation to many of the islands. For example:		Traditions also recount that the ancestress Nei Manganibuka (a.k.a. Temanganibuka), closely associated with the buka tree ([[Pisonia grandis]]) brought the arts of navigation to many of the islands. For example:
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	The association with Nei Manganibuka was reinforced early in the colony's history when Nei Aana, wife of the island's first Magistrate Teng Koata, encountered the ancestral ''anti'' herself:		The association with Nei Manganibuka was reinforced early in the colony's history when Nei Aana, wife of the island's first Magistrate Teng Koata, encountered the ancestral ''anti'' herself:

	"The wife of Teng Koata, the first island leader, had been walking one afternoon and saw a great and perfect ''maneaba,'' and sitting under its hith thatched roof Nei Mananibuka, a tall fair woman with long dark hair falling to the ground about her, with two children: she conversed with three ancients, talking of her island of Nikumaroro, and its happy future when it would surely grow to support thousands of inhabitants" (Laxton 1950)		"The wife of Teng Koata, the first island leader, had been walking one afternoon and saw a great and perfect ''maneaba,'' and sitting under its hith thatched roof Nei Mananibuka, a tall fair woman with long dark hair falling to the ground about her, with two children: she conversed with three ancients, talking of her island of Nikumaroro, and its happy future when it would surely grow to support thousands of inhabitants" (Laxton 1950)

	== The Beginnings of Nikumaroro Society ==		== The Beginnings of Nikumaroro Society ==

Tfking106 at 23:42, 29 April 2011

2011-04-29T23:42:30Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:42, 29 April 2011
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	Traditions also recount that the ancestress Nei Manganibuka (a.k.a. Temanganibuka), closely associated with the buka tree ([[Pisonia grandis]]) brought the arts of navigation to many of the islands. For example:		Traditions also recount that the ancestress Nei Manganibuka (a.k.a. Temanganibuka), closely associated with the buka tree ([[Pisonia grandis]]) brought the arts of navigation to many of the islands. For example:

	''(Nei Manganibuka's) brothers were jealous of her (sic: for her skill in navigation), and they sought a chance to do her to death. So they took her out fishing, and when their canoe was far from land, they cast her into the sea. And she drifted away, and stranded on Nikumaau, and she planted her float (betia), which was the branch of a Buka tree.		"(Nei Manganibuka's) brothers were jealous of her (sic: for her skill in navigation), and they sought a chance to do her to death. So they took her out fishing, and when their canoe was far from land, they cast her into the sea. And she drifted away, and stranded on Nikumaau, and she planted her float (betia), which was the branch of a Buka tree." (Grimble)

	The woman Temanganibuka (the branch of the buka tree), the daughter of Nakuaumai, set forth in her canoe and sailed eastwards; she carried with her a branch of the buka tree.		"The woman Temanganibuka (the branch of the buka tree), the daughter of Nakuaumai, set forth in her canoe and sailed eastwards; she carried with her a branch of the buka tree." (Maude & Maude)

	Again she sailed southwards, and did not lower her sail until she came to Nikunau. On that Island she landed, and planted the Manganibuka which she carried. The branch grew roots and became a tree, and one of the branches of the tree was Teraka, the navigator.		"Again she sailed southwards, and did not lower her sail until she came to Nikunau. On that Island she landed, and planted the Manganibuka which she carried. The branch grew roots and became a tree, and one of the branches of the tree was Teraka, the navigator." (Maude & Maude)

	Kobure and his sister Nei Manganibuka sailed away (from Samoa) and, when they reached Nikunau Nei Manganibuka jumped overboard and swam ashore. There, she married and bore children. It was through Nei Mangainbuka that the Nikunauans became skilled navigators''		"Kobure and his sister Nei Manganibuka sailed away (from Samoa) and, when they reached Nikunau Nei Manganibuka jumped overboard and swam ashore. There, she married and bore children. It was through Nei Mangainbuka that the Nikunauans became skilled navigators" (Maude & Maude)

	Although different traditions associate Nei Manganibuka with different islands both in Kiribati and in the legendary West, when the PISS exploration party arrived on Gardner Island in 1937 --		Although different traditions associate Nei Manganibuka with different islands both in Kiribati and in the legendary West, when the PISS exploration party arrived on Gardner Island in 1937 --
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	"Gardner was called 'Nikumaroro', after the home island of a Gilbertese ancestress Nei Manganibuka, who swam from her land I-am Tamoa (under the lee of Samoa) to Nikunau in the Southern Gilberts, bearing the branch of the first buka tree in her mouth. Nikumaroro was known to have been covered with buka trees and the delegates were firmly of the opinion that it was none other than Gardner, now rediscovered by her descendants" (Laxton).		"Gardner was called 'Nikumaroro', after the home island of a Gilbertese ancestress Nei Manganibuka, who swam from her land I-am Tamoa (under the lee of Samoa) to Nikunau in the Southern Gilberts, bearing the branch of the first buka tree in her mouth. Nikumaroro was known to have been covered with buka trees and the delegates were firmly of the opinion that it was none other than Gardner, now rediscovered by her descendants" (Laxton).

	The association with Nei Manganibuka was reinforced early in the colony's history when Nei Aana, wife of the island's first Magistrate Teng Koata, encountered the ancestral anti herself:		The association with Nei Manganibuka was reinforced early in the colony's history when Nei Aana, wife of the island's first Magistrate Teng Koata, encountered the ancestral ''anti'' herself:

	"The wife of Teng Koata, the first island leader, had been walking one afternoon and saw a great and perfect ''maneaba,'' and sitting under its hith thatched roof Nei Mananibuka, a tall fair woman with long dark hair falling to the ground about her, with two children: she conversed with three ancients, talking of her island of Nikumaroro, and its happy future when it would surely grow to support thousands of inhabitants" (Laxton 1950)		"The wife of Teng Koata, the first island leader, had been walking one afternoon and saw a great and perfect ''maneaba,'' and sitting under its hith thatched roof Nei Mananibuka, a tall fair woman with long dark hair falling to the ground about her, with two children: she conversed with three ancients, talking of her island of Nikumaroro, and its happy future when it would surely grow to support thousands of inhabitants" (Laxton 1950)

Tfking106: Minor editing throughout.

2011-04-29T22:37:28Z

Minor editing throughout.

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Tfking106: /* The Mwenga */

2011-04-29T19:35:49Z

The Mwenga

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:35, 29 April 2011
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	As a result both of British governmental practice and the spread of Christianity, a seven-day week was observed in Kiribati, with Sunday given over to rest and worship. Major Christian holidays like Christmas and Easter were observed, together with New Years and such locally specific events as the pandanus harvest, repair of the maneaba, communal fishing expeditions, and visits by important people.		As a result both of British governmental practice and the spread of Christianity, a seven-day week was observed in Kiribati, with Sunday given over to rest and worship. Major Christian holidays like Christmas and Easter were observed, together with New Years and such locally specific events as the pandanus harvest, repair of the maneaba, communal fishing expeditions, and visits by important people.

	== The Mwenga ==		== The ''Mwenga'' ==


	The basic residential unit in a village like ~~Karaka~~ was the mwenga, or household. Knudson says:		The basic residential unit in a village like the one on Nikumaroro was the ''mwenga,'' or household. Knudson says:

	The average number of persons per household in the Gilberts in 1931 was 4.38 and on Beru, 4.24, according to the census of that year. The house site comprised a minimum of three buildings: a sleeping house about 15 feet by 18 feet with a floor raised about three or four feet from the ground, a small cookhouse behind the sleeping house and on ground level, and a canoe shed. The sleeping houses generally had no walls, though many had low walls about two feet high; screens of coconut-leaf matting could be let down for privacy or to keep out rains. It was used for sleeping only, most daytime activities being carried on in the cookhouse or on the ground beneath the floor of the sleeping house. The cookhouse was used for both cooking and eating, and sometimes had an attached room used for sleeping when the household numbered many personnel. The canoe shed and cookhouse frequently doubled as bathrooms for changing wet clothing after bathing.		The average number of persons per household in the Gilberts in 1931 was 4.38 and on Beru, 4.24, according to the census of that year. The house site comprised a minimum of three buildings: a sleeping house about 15 feet by 18 feet with a floor raised about three or four feet from the ground, a small cookhouse behind the sleeping house and on ground level, and a canoe shed. The sleeping houses generally had no walls, though many had low walls about two feet high; screens of coconut-leaf matting could be let down for privacy or to keep out rains. It was used for sleeping only, most daytime activities being carried on in the cookhouse or on the ground beneath the floor of the sleeping house. The cookhouse was used for both cooking and eating, and sometimes had an attached room used for sleeping when the household numbered many personnel. The canoe shed and cookhouse frequently doubled as bathrooms for changing wet clothing after bathing.
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	The mwenga's economy was naturally grounded in the resources controlled by its inhabitants. Major subsistence resources included the lands of mwenga members, and the sections of babae pits that they controlled. The mwenga's male members performed agricultural tasks, including the care of coconuts, pandanus, and babae. Babae plants were grown in large pits dug down to the level of the fresh-water lens. A humus of leaves and grasses was placed around the growing shoots, sometimes packed in and retained by a basket-like container woven of coconut leaves. The tubers took three to four years to reach useful size; since the pit area for growing it was limited, babai was rarely eaten except on special occasions. It was considered to be indicative of the best of hospitality to be served babai when visiting in the house of another.		The ''mwenga's'' economy was naturally grounded in the resources controlled by its inhabitants. Major subsistence resources included the lands of ''mwenga'' members, and the sections of ''babae'' pits that they controlled. The ''mwenga's'' male members performed agricultural tasks, including the care of coconuts, pandanus, and ''babae.'' ''Babae'' plants were grown in large pits dug down to the level of the fresh-water lens. A humus of leaves and grasses was placed around the growing shoots, sometimes packed in and retained by a basket-like container woven of coconut leaves. The tubers took three to four years to reach useful size; since the pit area for growing it was limited, ''babai'' was rarely eaten except on special occasions. It was considered to be indicative of the best of hospitality to be served ''babai'' when visiting in the house of another.

	Fishing and shellfishing were also important sources of food. I Kiribati prefer deep-sea fish, which were obtained by trolling, scoop netting by torch light, and stationary line fishing. On the reef and in the lagoon, spears and knives were used for fishing, crayfishing, and to obtain octopus and bivalves. Divers used "inexpensive goggles purchased from the local store" to protect their eyes and assist in vision underwater. Fish traps -- coral stone enclosures built between the tide lines on beach slopes, passages, and reef flats -- were used to corral fish on ebb tides. Canoe fishing and diving were men's work, though women cooperated in certain communal fishing activities, and presumably could gather shellfish.		Fishing and shellfishing were also important sources of food. I Kiribati prefer deep-sea fish, which were obtained by trolling, scoop netting by torch light, and stationary line fishing. On the reef and in the lagoon, spears and knives were used for fishing, crayfishing, and to obtain octopus and bivalves. Divers used "inexpensive goggles purchased from the local store" to protect their eyes and assist in vision underwater. Fish traps -- coral stone enclosures built between the tide lines on beach slopes, passages, and reef flats -- were used to corral fish on ebb tides. Canoe fishing and diving were men's work, though women cooperated in certain communal fishing activities, and presumably could gather shellfish.

	Fresh water came from wells throughout the village, controlled communally. Although in theory the kainga no longer controlled land, reef, and lagoon, "it was considered proper to ask permission of the appropriate household before foraging in areas which belonged to other boti groups". The traditional diet of fish, shellfish, coconut, pandanus fruit, babae, and coconut toddy (kaewe) was supplemented by purchased items such as tea, canned fish, and rice.		Fresh water came from wells throughout the village, controlled communally. Although in theory the ''kainga'' no longer controlled land, reef, and lagoon, "it was considered proper to ask permission of the appropriate household before foraging in areas which belonged to other ''boti'' groups". The traditional diet of fish, shellfish, coconut, pandanus fruit, babae, and coconut toddy (''kaewe'') was supplemented by purchased items such as tea, canned fish, and rice.

	Non-local foods and other goods were usually purchased through local trading cooperatives. Such organizations had existed for some time in Tuvalu, and in the early 1930s Harry Maude brought the idea to the Gilberts where it was enthusiastically embraced. Cooperative societies with officers were established, cutting across traditional organizational lines, though the paid personnel of each society usually comprised a single scribe to keep the books and tend the store. A building was constructed in each village to house the cooperative's activities and goods. Although the cooperative societies provided the basis for a cash economy, very little cash was in circulation in the islands, the only persons with regular money incomes being the officers of the island government, employees of the local co-operative societies, and mission personnel such as schoolteachers and local pastors. At the village level the picture was one of a subsistence economy with money used only for the purchase of a few items such as cloth, soap, kerosene, tobacco, matches, and tools; these items having come to be considered necessities. The funds for such purposes were acquired through the sale of copra, and this also was the means for paying the annual land tax levied by the central administration.		Non-local foods and other goods were usually purchased through local trading cooperatives. Such organizations had existed for some time in Tuvalu, and in the early 1930s Harry Maude brought the idea to the Gilberts where it was enthusiastically embraced. Cooperative societies with officers were established, cutting across traditional organizational lines, though the paid personnel of each society usually comprised a single scribe to keep the books and tend the store. A building was constructed in each village to house the cooperative's activities and goods. Although the cooperative societies provided the basis for a cash economy, very little cash was in circulation in the islands, the only persons with regular money incomes being the officers of the island government, employees of the local co-operative societies, and mission personnel such as schoolteachers and local pastors. At the village level the picture was one of a subsistence economy with money used only for the purchase of a few items such as cloth, soap, kerosene, tobacco, matches, and tools; these items having come to be considered necessities. The funds for such purposes were acquired through the sale of copra, and this also was the means for paying the annual land tax levied by the central administration.

Tfking106: /* Twentieth Century Organizational Changes */

2011-04-29T19:28:28Z

Twentieth Century Organizational Changes

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:28, 29 April 2011
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	Having established its own governmental control, the British administration delegated governance to local bodies established on each island. Each such local government was headed by an Island Magistrate, and typically included as officials a "Chief Kaubure" -- a sort of executive officer -- together with a Chief of Police and several policemen, a Native Medical Practitioner and/or "Native Dresser," and a Scribe. The Scribe's duties included recording births and adoptions, weddings and deaths. A Lands Commission was established to settle land disputes, and basic changes were made both in the organization of society and in how this organization expressed itself in space. Knudson reports:		Having established its own governmental control, the British administration delegated governance to local bodies established on each island. Each such local government was headed by an Island Magistrate, and typically included as officials a "Chief Kaubure" -- a sort of executive officer -- together with a Chief of Police and several policemen, a Native Medical Practitioner and/or "Native Dresser," and a Scribe. The Scribe's duties included recording births and adoptions, weddings and deaths. A Lands Commission was established to settle land disputes, and basic changes were made both in the organization of society and in how this organization expressed itself in space. Knudson reports:

	After the establishment of British rule over the islands, a local government center was built on each island. At this center were the offices of the island government, the residences of the government personnel, jails for men and for women, and a large government maneaba where all the people of the island could gather. Churches were built in each village.		After the establishment of British rule over the islands, a local government center was built on each island. At this center were the offices of the island government, the residences of the government personnel, jails for men and for women, and a large government ''maneaba'' where all the people of the island could gather. Churches were built in each village.

	The settlement pattern of the villages themselves was altered in the early years of the twentieth century when the kainga were broken up and houses erected on both sides of a central road to form a line village. With few exceptions, Knudson tells us, by the mid-1930s the closely knit kin groupings of kainga and kawa had fallen away, and a much more loosely organized social organization based on the bilateral kindred (utu) and the household had come into being. The boti, however, remained an important feature of village organization on all islands except Arorae and Tamana.		The settlement pattern of the villages themselves was altered in the early years of the twentieth century when the ''kainga'' were broken up and houses erected on both sides of a central road to form a line village. With few exceptions, Knudson tells us, by the mid-1930s the closely knit kin groupings of ''kainga'' and ''kawa'' had fallen away, and a much more loosely organized social organization based on the bilateral kindred (''utu'') and the household had come into being. The ''boti'', however, remained an important feature of village organization on all islands except Arorae and Tamana.

	Communal labor was expected of all village residents; from April through October of each year, all males over 18 years of age were expected to "answer the call" whenever significant public work was needed -- for example, building and maintaining roads, the Government Center, and public buildings. Wages were paid for this work. During the same period, women worked in such occupations as the preparation of coconut rope (sennit), a vital building material.		Communal labor was expected of all village residents; from April through October of each year, all males over 18 years of age were expected to "answer the call" whenever significant public work was needed -- for example, building and maintaining roads, the Government Center, and public buildings. Wages were paid for this work. During the same period, women worked in such occupations as the preparation of coconut rope (sennit), a vital building material.

Tfking106: /* Control of Land and Resources */

2011-04-29T19:25:50Z

Control of Land and Resources

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:25, 29 April 2011
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	Each kainga owned land on which its dwelling house (mwenga), its canoe house, and the shrine of its ancestral anti stood. Each kainga also usually controlled land at a distance from the village, referred to as buakonikai ("among the trees"). It might also control stone fish traps extending out into the lagoon or reef flat from the beach, sections of reef and lagoon, as well as sections of the reef or lagoon themselves, and portions of babae pits where root crops were grown.		Each ''kainga'' owned land on which its dwelling house (''mwenga''), its canoe house, and the shrine of its ancestral ''anti'' stood. Each ''kainga'' also usually controlled land at a distance from the village, referred to as ''buakonikai'' ("among the trees"). It might also control stone fish traps extending out into the lagoon or reef flat from the beach, sections of reef and lagoon, as well as sections of the reef or lagoon themselves, and portions of babae pits where root crops were grown.

	Knudson notes that each kainga "had its own sacred spot associated with an ancestral deity" It is not clear whether by this he means the shrine built on kainga land, or another spot. As we will see, there is a spot on Nikumaroro associated with the ancestress Manganibuka.		Knudson notes that each ''kainga'' "had its own sacred spot associated with an ancestral deity" It is not clear whether by this he means the shrine built on ''kainga'' land, or another spot. As we will see, there is a spot on Nikumaroro associated with the ancestress Manganibuka.

	=== Twentieth Century Organizational Changes ===		=== Twentieth Century Organizational Changes ===

Tfking106: /* I Kiribati Society in General */

2011-04-29T19:24:23Z

I Kiribati Society in General

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:24, 29 April 2011
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	To understand the context in which aircraft pieces on Nikumaroro were harvested and used, and in which the 1940 discovery of bones occurred, it is necessary to understand something about the colonial village on southern Ritiati and northern Noriti -- its organization, its residents, and how those residents lived and used the land. This in turn requires a little understanding of traditional ''Tunguru'' [[I Kiribati]] social organization and how it evolved in the 20th century. The most pertinent discussion of these topics is by Kenneth Knudson, who studied the community on Manra (Sydney Island) around the time of its relocation to the Solomons. Knudson discusses traditional social organization in southern [[Kiribati]] (the southern Gilberts), 20th century organizational changes, and the organization of Manra society as influenced by Harry Maude, Gerald Gallagher, and the Phoenix Islands Settlement Scheme (PISS). The following is based largely on Knudson's work.		To understand the context in which aircraft pieces on Nikumaroro were harvested and used, and in which the 1940 discovery of bones occurred, it is necessary to understand something about the colonial village on southern Ritiati and northern Noriti -- its organization, its residents, and how those residents lived and used the land. This in turn requires a little understanding of traditional ''Tunguru'' ([[I Kiribati]]) social organization and how it evolved in the 20th century. The most pertinent discussion of these topics is by Kenneth Knudson, who studied the community on Manra (Sydney Island) around the time of its relocation to the Solomons. Knudson discusses traditional social organization in southern [[Kiribati]] (the southern Gilberts), 20th century organizational changes, and the organization of Manra society as influenced by Harry Maude, Gerald Gallagher, and the Phoenix Islands Settlement Scheme (PISS). The following is based largely on Knudson's work.

	=== Traditional Social and Residential Organization ===		=== Traditional Social and Residential Organization ===
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	Traditionally, each I Kiribati village was organized around a large community meeting house called ''maneaba''. Without a ''maneaba'' a village really was not a village. Knudson says:		Traditionally, each I Kiribati village was organized around a large community meeting house called ''maneaba''. Without a ''maneaba'' a village really was not a village. Knudson says:

	''Each of the villages of the southern Gilberts may be said to have had its inception when its ''maneaba'', or community meeting house, was erected. The ''maneaba'' was a communally-owned building situated on communally-owned land. As such it was a neutral site where village residents came together to discuss matters which affected the entire population and where community-wide entertainment and ritual took place.''		"Each of the villages of the southern Gilberts may be said to have had its inception when its ''maneaba'', or community meeting house, was erected. The ''maneaba'' was a communally-owned building situated on communally-owned land. As such it was a neutral site where village residents came together to discuss matters which affected the entire population and where community-wide entertainment and ritual took place."

	The community itself was made up of residential groups known as ''kainga'', and this name was also assigned to the land on which the group lived. ''Kaingas'' were basic organizational units in traditional I Kiribati society, and each was understood to be descended from a common ancestral spirit-being or ''anti.'' A residential kin group without such an ''anti'' was referred to as kawa, and was subsidiary to a related kainga		The community itself was made up of residential groups known as ''kainga'', and this name was also assigned to the land on which the group lived. ''Kaingas'' were basic organizational units in traditional I Kiribati society, and each was understood to be descended from a common ancestral spirit-being or ''anti.'' A residential kin group without such an ''anti'' was referred to as kawa, and was subsidiary to a related ''kainga''

	Each kainga had an assigned seating area in the maneaba, called te boti or te inaki (commonly, boti). These seating areas, and the rights and responsibilities ascribed to them, were extremely important in the life of the community. In a meeting regarding village business, the male elder (unimane) of the kainga occupying one boti had the right to call the meeting, that of a second to speak first and offer an opinion, and that of a third to reply to the second. After general discussion, the unimane of the third boti summarized and that of the second (called Uea -- king or high chief of the maneaba) rendered a binding decision. A similar sequence of responsibilities and rights applied to meetings held to organize and conduct ritual, ceremonial, and festive activities.		Each ''kainga'' had an assigned seating area in the ''maneaba'', called ''te boti'' or ''te inaki'' (commonly, ''boti''). These seating areas, and the rights and responsibilities ascribed to them, were extremely important in the life of the community. In a meeting regarding village business, the male elder (''unimane'') of the ''kainga'' occupying one ''boti'' had the right to call the meeting, that of a second to speak first and offer an opinion, and that of a third to reply to the second. After general discussion, the ''unimane'' of the third ''boti'' summarized and that of the second (called ''Uea'' -- king or high chief of the ''maneaba'') rendered a binding decision. A similar sequence of responsibilities and rights applied to meetings held to organize and conduct ritual, ceremonial, and festive activities.

	Although the kainga with its boti was in many ways the basic element of community organization, there were other kinds of social groups as well. Knudson summarizes:		Although the ''kainga'' with its ''boti'' was in many ways the basic element of community organization, there were other kinds of social groups as well. Knudson summarizes:

	''To sum up, the pre-contact social organization of the southern Gilberts was composed of the following groups. Te mwenga: a household group which had as its core a nuclear or extended family but might also include relatives of any degree as permanent or temporary members. Te kainga: a residence unit consisting of a number of mwenga and subsidiary buildings standing within a circumscribed area. The membership of a kainga consisted of a core of persons descended from a common ancestor plus their spouses and adopted persons. A variant of the kainga, te kawa, was identical except that it had no sacred or religious connotations, and in this respect was subsidiary to an associated kainga. Te boti: a political unit consisting of the members of a kainga with its associated kawa, if any. The members of these residence units sat in a specific area in the maneaba and could collectively be assigned or assume responsibilities toward the other members of the community. Te oci: an unlimited bilateral descent group consisting of all the descendants of the founding ancestor (who is himself termed te ~~ooi~~.). The oci as a group was important in the determination of land tenure, and the living members met to settle disputes over inheritance of the property of the founder. Te utu: a kindred composed of all the living persons with whom ego shared an ancestor. The utu was important in life-cycle events, ordinary social interaction, and the acquisition of skills and knowledge. ''		"To sum up, the pre-contact social organization of the southern Gilberts was composed of the following groups.

			''Te mwenga'': a household group which had as its core a nuclear or extended family but might also include relatives of any degree as permanent or temporary members.

			''Te kainga'': a residence unit consisting of a number of ''mwenga'' and subsidiary buildings standing within a circumscribed area. The membership of a ''kainga'' consisted of a core of persons descended from a common ancestor plus their spouses and adopted persons. A variant of the ''kainga'', ''te kawa'', was identical except that it had no sacred or religious connotations, and in this respect was subsidiary to an associated ''kainga''.

			''Te boti:'' a political unit consisting of the members of a ''kainga'' with its associated ''kawa,'' if any. The members of these residence units sat in a specific area in the ''maneaba'' and could collectively be assigned or assume responsibilities toward the other members of the community.

			''Te oci:'' an unlimited bilateral descent group consisting of all the descendants of the founding ancestor (who is himself termed ''te oci''.). The ''oci'' as a group was important in the determination of land tenure, and the living members met to settle disputes over inheritance of the property of the founder.

			''Te utu:'' a kindred composed of all the living persons with whom ego shared an ancestor. The ''utu'' was important in life-cycle events, ordinary social interaction, and the acquisition of skills and knowledge."

	=== Control of Land and Resources ===		=== Control of Land and Resources ===

Tfking106: /* Traditional Social and Residential Organization */

2011-04-29T19:14:28Z

Traditional Social and Residential Organization

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	Although the kainga with its boti was in many ways the basic element of community organization, there were other kinds of social groups as well. Knudson summarizes:		Although the kainga with its boti was in many ways the basic element of community organization, there were other kinds of social groups as well. Knudson summarizes:

	''To sum up, the pre-contact social organization of the southern Gilberts was composed of the following groups. Te mwenga: a household group which had as its core a nuclear or extended family but might also include relatives of any degree as permanent or temporary members. Te kainga: a residence unit consisting of a number of mwenga and subsidiary buildings standing within a circumscribed area. The membership of a kainga consisted of a core of persons descended from a common ancestor plus their spouses and adopted persons. A variant of the kainga, te kawa, was identical except that it had no sacred or religious connotations, and in this respect was subsidiary to an associated kainga. Te boti: a political unit consisting of the members of a kainga with its associated kawa, if any. The members of these residence units sat in a specific area in the maneaba and could collectively be assigned or assume responsibilities toward the other members of the community. Te oci: an unlimited bilateral descent group consisting of all the descendants of the founding ancestor (who is himself termed te ooi.). The oci as a group was important in the determination of land tenure, and the living members met to settle disputes over inheritance of the property of the founder. Te utu: a kindred composed of all the living persons with whom ego shared an ancestor. The utu was important in life-cycle events, ordinary social interaction, and the acquisition of skills and knowledge. ''		''To sum up, the pre-contact social organization of the southern Gilberts was composed of the following groups. Te mwenga: a household group which had as its core a nuclear or extended family but might also include relatives of any degree as permanent or temporary members. Te kainga: a residence unit consisting of a number of mwenga and subsidiary buildings standing within a circumscribed area. The membership of a kainga consisted of a core of persons descended from a common ancestor plus their spouses and adopted persons. A variant of the kainga, te kawa, was identical except that it had no sacred or religious connotations, and in this respect was subsidiary to an associated kainga. Te boti: a political unit consisting of the members of a kainga with its associated kawa, if any. The members of these residence units sat in a specific area in the maneaba and could collectively be assigned or assume responsibilities toward the other members of the community. Te oci: an unlimited bilateral descent group consisting of all the descendants of the founding ancestor (who is himself termed te ooi.). The oci as a group was important in the determination of land tenure, and the living members met to settle disputes over inheritance of the property of the founder. Te utu: a kindred composed of all the living persons with whom ego shared an ancestor. The utu was important in life-cycle events, ordinary social interaction, and the acquisition of skills and knowledge. ''

	=== Control of Land and Resources ===		=== Control of Land and Resources ===

Tfking106 at 19:13, 29 April 2011

2011-04-29T19:13:31Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 19:13, 29 April 2011
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	To understand the context in which aircraft pieces on Nikumaroro were harvested and used, it is necessary to understand something about ~~Karaka Village and its successor,~~ the colonial village on southern Ritiati and northern Noriti -- ~~their~~ organization, ~~their~~ residents, and how those residents lived and used the land. This in turn requires a little understanding of traditional I [[Kiribati]] social organization and how it evolved in the 20th century. The most pertinent discussion of these topics is by Kenneth Knudson, who studied the ~~PISS~~ community on Manra (Sydney Island) around the time of its relocation to the Solomons. Knudson discusses traditional social organization in southern [[Kiribati]] (the southern Gilberts), 20th century organizational changes, and the organization of Manra society as influenced by Maude, Gallagher, and the PISS. The following is based largely on Knudson's work.		To understand the context in which aircraft pieces on Nikumaroro were harvested and used, and in which the 1940 discovery of bones occurred, it is necessary to understand something about the colonial village on southern Ritiati and northern Noriti -- its organization, its residents, and how those residents lived and used the land. This in turn requires a little understanding of traditional ''Tunguru'' [[I Kiribati]] social organization and how it evolved in the 20th century. The most pertinent discussion of these topics is by Kenneth Knudson, who studied the community on Manra (Sydney Island) around the time of its relocation to the Solomons. Knudson discusses traditional social organization in southern [[Kiribati]] (the southern Gilberts), 20th century organizational changes, and the organization of Manra society as influenced by Harry Maude, Gerald Gallagher, and the Phoenix Islands Settlement Scheme (PISS). The following is based largely on Knudson's work.

	=== Traditional Social and Residential Organization ===		=== Traditional Social and Residential Organization ===


	Traditionally, each I Kiribati village was organized around a large community meeting house called maneaba. Without a maneaba a village really was not a village. Knudson says:		Traditionally, each I Kiribati village was organized around a large community meeting house called ''maneaba''. Without a ''maneaba'' a village really was not a village. Knudson says:

	''Each of the villages of the southern Gilberts may be said to have had its inception when its maneaba, or community meeting house, was erected. The maneaba was a communally-owned building situated on communally-owned land. As such it was a neutral site where village residents came together to discuss matters which affected the entire population and where community-wide entertainment and ritual took place.''		''Each of the villages of the southern Gilberts may be said to have had its inception when its ''maneaba'', or community meeting house, was erected. The ''maneaba'' was a communally-owned building situated on communally-owned land. As such it was a neutral site where village residents came together to discuss matters which affected the entire population and where community-wide entertainment and ritual took place.''

	The community itself was made up of residential groups known as kainga, and this name was also assigned to the land on which the group lived. Kaingas were basic organizational units in traditional I Kiribati society, and each was understood to be descended from a common ancestral spirit-being or anti. A residential kin group without such an anti was referred to as kawa, and was subsidiary to a related kainga		The community itself was made up of residential groups known as ''kainga'', and this name was also assigned to the land on which the group lived. ''Kaingas'' were basic organizational units in traditional I Kiribati society, and each was understood to be descended from a common ancestral spirit-being or ''anti.'' A residential kin group without such an ''anti'' was referred to as kawa, and was subsidiary to a related kainga

	Each kainga had an assigned seating area in the maneaba, called te boti or te inaki (commonly, boti). These seating areas, and the rights and responsibilities ascribed to them, were extremely important in the life of the community. In a meeting regarding village business, the male elder (unimane) of the kainga occupying one boti had the right to call the meeting, that of a second to speak first and offer an opinion, and that of a third to reply to the second. After general discussion, the unimane of the third boti summarized and that of the second (called Uea -- king or high chief of the maneaba) rendered a binding decision. A similar sequence of responsibilities and rights applied to meetings held to organize and conduct ritual, ceremonial, and festive activities.		Each kainga had an assigned seating area in the maneaba, called te boti or te inaki (commonly, boti). These seating areas, and the rights and responsibilities ascribed to them, were extremely important in the life of the community. In a meeting regarding village business, the male elder (unimane) of the kainga occupying one boti had the right to call the meeting, that of a second to speak first and offer an opinion, and that of a third to reply to the second. After general discussion, the unimane of the third boti summarized and that of the second (called Uea -- king or high chief of the maneaba) rendered a binding decision. A similar sequence of responsibilities and rights applied to meetings held to organize and conduct ritual, ceremonial, and festive activities.

Moleski: /* Related Material */

2010-12-12T16:21:47Z

Related Material

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	<!-- Please leave this Category tag at the bottom of this article. Thanks! MXM, SJ -->		<!-- Please leave this Category tag at the bottom of this article. Thanks! MXM, SJ -->
	[[Category:Nikumaroro\|Ethnohistory]]		[[Category:Nikumaroro\|Ethnohistory]]
			[[Category:Archaeology of Nikumaroro]]